The role and influence of the legislature in these different countries is also very different. In Tunisia and Egypt, authoritarian regimes have allowed no political space for dissenting voices. When Mubarak felt his power was slipping away and reached out to his enemies, he found disorganised opposition parties with little political experience and no support in society. They could not formulate coherent positions and practical demands. Instead, they clung to hard-line positions, leaving Mubarak unable to find a solution to the impasse. But in Bahrain, the situation is different. Opposition parties have been active for almost a decade, and have significant representation in the legislature. The leading opposition group, Al-Wifaq, has 18 seats in the 40-member parliament. In possible talks with the opposition, the monarchy will find seasoned politicians ready to bargain over long-held demands. And, with widespread support among its constituents, Al-Wifaq can do a lot to reduce the tensions.

King Hamad also has a number of other options available to him. Because citizens have so many grievances, he can do a lot to appease them - if he really wanted to. He could address Shia claims of discrimination by offering them more jobs in government ministries. He can promise to invest state funds in their run-down communities. He can appease both Shia and Sunnis by granting them affordable housing. He can appease both factions by ending his long naturalisation policy that easily gives citizenship to foreign-born Sunnis, eroding the Shia majority. And he can dismiss the prime minister, Khalifa bin Salman al-Khalifa, who has exhausted many on both sides of the sectarian divide during his 40 years in power.
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